FAMINES IN THE INDIAN SUBCONTINENT, 1500 to 1767

1673 (a) [to 1675]: Madurai to Gingee
Documented causes: drought + war + maladministration
Documented effects: depopulation; migration; voluntary slavery

1673: Markus Vink, "Encounters on the Opposite Coast: The Dutch East India Company and the Nayaka State of Madurai in the Seventeenth Century" (2015)

p260: "As a result of the failure of the pisanam harvest due to drought in early 1673, the price of rice in Madurai rose to 50, 60 and ultimately 70 rixdollars (210 guilders) per last. Timely supplies from Malabar and the arrival of eagerly awaited rains in late 1673 prevented a general famine, with prices falling to 25 rixdollars (75 guilders) and less." ... p290: "A third boom [in Dutch slave trading], consisting of two spurts (1673-1675; 1676-1677), was initiated by a prolonged drought in Madurai and southern Coromandel starting in 1673, exacerbated by the protracted Madurai-Maratha struggle over Tanjore and resulting oppressive fiscal practices." …

1676: J. Bertrand, "La Mission du Maduré" (vol. 3, 1850)

LETTRE DU P. ANDRÉ FREIRE, MISSIONAIRE DU MADURÉ, AU R.P. PAUL OLIVA, GÉNÉRAL DE LA COMPAGNIE DE JÉSUS. Colei, 1676 ... Cette narration renfermera donc les évènements qui ont eu lieu depuis ma dernière lettre de 1673 [not archived, possibly lost by shipwreck]. Le Nayaken de Maduré, après les guerres désastreuses dont cette lettre vous donnait le récit, s'était emparé du royaume de Tanjaour et avait tranché la tête au roi son ennemi. Cet acte barbare ne put lui conserver sa conquête. L'Idalcan informé de ces évènements, envoya une armée sous la conduite du général Ecogi, avec ordre de rétablir sur le trône de Tanjaour le fils du roi vaincu, qui était venu implorer son secours. Le Nayaken de Maduré avait confié le commandement du royaume conquis à son frère ainé, dont la bravoure arrêta d'abord l'impétuosité d'Ecogi. Celui-ci ... se tint pendant une année entière sure les frontières du royaume, convaincu que l'imprudence et les jalousies mutuelles des deux frères lui fourniraient une occasion favorable d'accomplir ses desseins. Son attente ne fut pas trompée. Le Nayaken de Maduré se brouilla bientôt avec son frère, et Ecogi profitant de cette division, se mit en marche à la tête de ses troupes, fondit sur la ville de Tanjaour, la prit du premier assaut, s'empara de toutes ses dépendances et vint se présenter aux portes de Tirouchirapalli où se trouvait le roi de Maduré. ... Il craignit de compromettre ses succès en livrant immédiatement l'assaut; et cette hésitation donna au Nayaken le temps de se remettre de la terreur panique qui l'avait démoralisé: il put se défendre et conserver sa capitale, mais il fut dépouillé d'une grande partie de ses états et de toutes les places fortes de ses provinces. Telle fut la juste punition d'un tyran qui ne connaisait d'autre loi que sa cupidité. Ses expoliations et ses cruautés avaient fait oublier le despotisme de tous ses devanciers et excité contre lui l'exécration de ses sujets; il méritait d'être traité comme il avait lui-même traité, non pas ses ennemis, mais ses propres vassaux. Cette longue série de guerres a été suivie d'une famine générale, qui ravage surtout les environs de Maduré et le Marava: on ne rencontre partout que la dévastation et la solitude du tombeau; une partie des habitants a succombé à la faim, les autres se sont expatriés pour chercher ailleurs quelque ressource. D'un jour à l'autre Ecogi d'une part et le roi de Maïssour de l'autre vont achever d'absorber les derniers débris de ce royaume jadis si florissant. La conquête en sera bien facile, car les populations regarderont l'ennemi, quel qu'il puisse être, comme leur véritable libérateur. C'est ce qui vient d'arriver à Tanjaour. Le général Ecogi, au lieu de placer sur le trône le fils de l'ancien Nayakan, selon les ordres qu'en avait donnés l'Idalcan, a préféré usurper pour lui-même le titre et l'autorité de roi indépendant. Devenu ainsi maître absolu du pays, il cherche à se faire aimer des habitants et déjà il y a réussi. La justice et la sagesse de son gouvernement commencent à fermer les plaies du règne précédent, et à développer les ressources naturelles de cette contrée, l'une des plus remarquables de toute l'Inde par la fertilité de ses terres et la richesse de ses productions. En réparant les canaux et les étangs, il a rendu la fécondité à de vastes campagnes incultes depuis plusieurs années, et la dernière récolte a surpassé tout ce qu'on avait jamais vu. Malheureusement cette prospérité ne sera pas de longue durée, car d'un côté l'Idalcan expédie une armée pour punir la révolte de son général; de l'autre le Nayaken de Maduré, si lache quand il lui eût été facile de se joindre à son frère pour écraser Ecogi, s'est enfin réveillé de son apathie: il lève une armée formidable, de concert avec tous ses vassaux, qui ont oublié leurs propres querelles pour réunir leurs forces contre l'ennemi commun. En même temps le Maïssour qui ne peut voir sans inquiétude un peuple audacieux s'établir sur ses frontières, fortifie les citadelles qu'il a prises au Maduré dans les provinces du nord, rassemble de nouvelles troupes et fait de grands préparatifs de guerre. Sous prétexte de se fortifier contre les Musulmans, il parait avoir en vue d'attaquer le royaume du Maduré, pendant que le Nayaken sera embarrassé dans sa guerre du Tanjaour. Tout nous annonce que nous ne touchons pas encore à la fin de nos tribulations. Le royaume de Gingi n'a pas moins souffert des guerres que les usurpateurs se sont faites entre eux. ... [Brief description of a messy series of plots and counter-plots] Il en résulta une série de combats acharnés qui achevèrent de ruiner cette malheureuse contrée, déjà réduite à une profonde misère par la tyrannie des trois ministères qui gouvernent ou plutôt qui ravagent ce royaume.

1673 (b): Gujarat

Documented causes: implied drought

Documented effects: unspecified mortality

Krishnalal Mohanlal Jhaveri, "Milestones In Gujarati Literature" (2nd ed., 1938)

pp124-129 (Gujarati poet Kavi Premanand Bhatt (1649-1714) and the famine of '29): "Although he ordinarily does not refer to events in his life, Premanand has, at least for once, not neglected to refer to an outstanding event in his life, viz., the famine of V.S. 1729. He has given a very realistic picture of that famine in Gujarat, in one of his masterpieces, the Risyasrungakhyan [often Anglicised as "Rishyasringakhyan"]. Special mention should be made of its fourth and the fifth cantos: a few selected passages from the poem are given below. [Footnote: "The whole description of the ravages of this famine of V.S. 1729 being very long (covering two cantos) only a few typical lines are given here."] "The last canto depicts the state of his mind, rather the struggle, as to why he came to depict the ravages of famine. Just as, in modern times, some are of opinion that when a war, or a famine, or some other natural calamity, is raging in the country, it is shameful for a poet to sing any other theme except the woes and the dreadful ravages of the war, or the famine, or the flood; similarly the question, was perturbing the mind of the poet whether he should write any poem or akhyana when people were undergoing the severe hardships of a famine. What would people say of him if he wrote poems in time of famine? The question seems to have disturbed his mind very much, but at last, after much brooding, instinct found a solution of the problem. He chose such a subject for his akhyan that no one could dare say a word against him. There is a strong belief among religiously minded Hindus that a Yajna (sacrifice) performed in the name of the famous Risi Srungi, would bring down rain even when there is a drought. Therefore, as it was the time of famine, the poet chose for his theme the story of Srungi Risi from the Ramayan and made use of all his powers in making the akhyan such as would depict the actual state of Gujarat in the famine year (V.S. 1729). In this very year, the poet suffered the loss of his wife. The pathos was thus heightened. He was doubly interested in writing the akhyan. It at once raised young Premanand greatly in the opinion of his readers and hearers, and the fear of being called a heartless man for writing a poem in famine times removed thereby, so much so that people began to make copies of it for themselves and also give away copies in charity to be recited by Brahmin story-tellers. [Footnote: "To add to the difficulties, there occurred a severe famine at this time; thank God, that it was not the worst; still on hearing the word "Twenty-nine", children at the breast shudder. In that year- v.s. 1729- what is the use of writing poems? But, O, my brethren! the nature of a poet cannot be changed; his mind can only be pleased by writing poems."] It was at one time customary in Gujarat to read this akhyan every year in the month of Jeth or Ashada (i.e., June or July) before the advent of the rainy season so that it may rain plentifully and the fear of famine averted. This poem was at one time very popular in Gujarat as it treated of the art of Love (Kama-Sastra). ... The story of Srungi Risi as found in the Ramayan is shortly as follows. In the reign of King Lompada of Magadha, a friend of Dasharatha, father of Rama, there occurred a terrible famine in Bihar. It was felt that if Srungi Risi could be induced to come to his capital Champapuri, and perform the rain-sacrifice the earth would receive plenty of water: But Srungi Risi was living in a forest under the strict supervision of his father Vibhandaka, pledged to celibacy, so much so that he never saw the face of a woman. He did not know what were the distinguishing features of a male and a female. King Lomapada sent Mohalekha, a dancing-girl of exceptionally high merit in her art, to entice and bring Srungi Risi to his capital. This she did skilfully, in the absence of his father, by saying to the young Risi that she would teach him the art of love which his father had not taught him, if he went with her. The Risi enchanted by her beauty and artfulness followed her to the capital of Magadha. As soon as he set his foot on the soil of Magadha, famine disappeared and plenty of rain came down. Mohalekha who was a celestial nymph cursed by Indra, returned to heaven and King Lompada married his daughter Santa to the Risi."

Kanaiyalal Maneklal Munshi, "Gujarata and Its Literature: A Survey from the Earliest Times" (1935)

p190 (alternative translation of Premanand's justification for writing "Rshyasrngakhyana"): "It was terrible calamity; the only good fortune was that it was not the end of the world; even suckling babies tremble when they hear of the famine of twenty-nine. In that year, twenty-nine, I composed this work; I could not repress my nature. I am only happy when I compose a poem."

1673 scarcity [to 1674 ... and 5]: Marwar

Documented causes: drought, then pests

Documented effects: sale of possessions; migration

B.L. Bhadani, "Economic Conditions in Marwar in the Second Half of the 17th Century" (PhD thesis, 1981)

pp106-7: "The year 1672 was a hard one for ordinary people, and the next failure of rain in the beginning of 1673 intensified the distress, leading to the sale of belongings of the people and migration. The crops depended totally upon wells; and only the rains in the latter part of the year saved the people from a great disaster. An eye-witness account describes how, though the rain in 1674 was quite sufficient, the wheat and probably other foodgrains of the rabi harvest were attacked by mice. Even then the people did not feel any hardship because there was hoarded grain in the kothis (grain store-houses). Indeed, the foodgrains remained at low prices. The rain was quite promising in 1675 but the crops were destroyed by locusts. The people of Jodhpur suffered greatly by this." [Source: Jai Chand [aka Shri Jaichand], ed. Muni Kanti Sagar, "Saiki" (1963) p19]